The transportation sector plays a critical role in balanced economic and regional development, as well as affording a great deal of influence on national integration into the world economic market. This paper studies current trends in the maritime sector in Iraq and presents some recommendations to improve maritime transport and ports’ efficiency in order to enhance economic development. Various problems and obstacles faced by the ports of Iraq, which have piled up during the last three decades, acted as a major setback in its underdevelopment and weakened its functional capacity, and limited its role in economic development. Therefore, the government should formulate policies that would encourage foreign and private participations in the maritime sector of the economy. 

 

 

 

This paper describes the Coalition Provisional Authority’s attempts to stabilize and reform Iraq’s economy along market lines. It argues that while security concerns remain serious, Iraq’s economy has not been crippled by violence. However, sustained economic growth will depend on whether Iraq’s future leaders pursue the pro-market approaches the Coalition has advocated. If the Iraqi economy is to reach its potential, it will need to go even farther than the Coalition did, implementing reforms the Coalition did not pursue because of security concerns. 

 

 

 

The emphasis on investment as a basic and strategic component of a country’s economic and social development should perhaps not be overdone. It is not, of course, the only component, for there are other strategic factors, such as entrepreneurial ability, the required skills and know-how, the efficient utilization of resources, political and social stability, and other elements that complement the factor of capital. But investment remains one of the most important determinants of a country’s economic growth. An examination of Iraq’s investment policies at this point is thus quite timely, particularly in view of the special conditions the country is currently experiencing after its emergence from a war that proved long, costly, and far-reaching in its economic and social ramifications.

 

 

 

Attempting to precisely and objectively describe the situation of Iraq, many academics, observers, and analysts who support their country and its highest national interests agree that, in its current form, the country’s situation consists of a dilapidated rentier economy and an industrial and agricultural sector that has all but collapsed. It may have already fully collapsed, with the exception of individual efforts by farmers, industrialists, and investors to enter the state through establishing modest projects of little value. There is a frightening increase in poverty levels, especially in central and southern Iraq, accompanied by a population explosion due to a lack of family planning or control of its gradual growth.
 
 
 
 
The June 2014 takeover of Mosul by the Islamic State group (ISIS) was described as an existential threat to the Iraqi state and the post-2003 political order. Yet, its emergence was only a symptom of a broader series of crises that had engulfed Iraq over the past decade. While militant groups dominate headlines, it is Iraq’s structural problems that have enabled their emergence. This includes weakened or partly collapsed institutions; the absence of the rule of law; dysfunctional and corrupt governance; the ascendancy of sectarian divisions; and the disastrous post-conflict reconstruction process that followed the aftermath of the 2003 U.S. invasion. State fragility in the Levant and the regional proxy war in Syria have exacerbated these challenges and have stifled Iraq’s efforts to stabilize and rehabilitate its institutions.

 

 

 

The Brookings Iraq Index presents numerical information on a range of security, economic, and political indicators of pertinence to the future of that country as well as the U.S. role within it. The Index was originally created in the early years of the 2000s, after a U.S.-led coalition overthrew Saddam Hussein, and sought to help Iraqis build a state that could avoid dictatorship and extremism going forward. Our goal, then and now, is to present a wide enough array of information to gauge many aspects of the effort, without swamping a reader in so much detail or arcana as to obscure attention to the big-picture policy questions facing the United States and its allies and partners there.
No compilation of statistics can ever convey whether a counterinsurgency campaign is being won or lost, and whether a country is managing to stabilize itself or not. This lesson was learned in Vietnam and must never be forgotten. But careful compilation and study of metrics, recognizing the uncertainties and complexities of the data going into them, can nonetheless provide grist for policy debates — and keep those policy debates grounded in empirical reality. As the data show, Iraq remains a troubled land — but is far improved by most indicators, at least for the moment, relative to many times in its past. It is gradually becoming a middle-income country, with notable improvements in the quality of life in recent times — even as corruption remains endemic, jobs for many youth remain scarce, and sectarian pressures (often inflamed by Iran) always threaten to boil over yet again.
 
 
 
 
 

As events in late December 2013 and early 2014 have made brutally clear, Iraq is a nation in crisis bordering on civil war. It is burdened by a long history of war, internal power struggles, and failed governance. Is also a nation whose failed leadership is now creating a steady increase in the sectarian divisions between Shi’ite and Sunni, and the ethnic divisions between Arab and Kurd.  

Iraq suffers badly from the legacy of mistakes the US made during and after its invasion in 2003. It suffers from threat posed by the reemergence of violent Sunni extremist movements like  and equally violent Shi’ite militias. It suffers from pressure from Iran and near isolation by several key Arab states. It has increasingly become the victim of the forces unleashed by the Syrian civil war.

 

 

 

ا.استنادا ا للتعاون المستمربين  وزارة التخطيط والتعاون ا إلاننمائي وبرنامج االامم المتحده الإنمائي ((UNDPلاسيما في الستوات الثلاثه الاخيروالتي تكللت بتنفيذ واطلاق نتئج أوسع مسح لاحوال في العراق عام 2004 من قبل الجهاز المركزي لاحصاء وتكنلوجيا المعلومات بدعم مالي وفني من قبل برنامج الأمم المتحدة الانمائي

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Abstract
The problematic financing for development and rebuilding what was destroyed by wars infrastructure and the duration of the siege and bridge the underdevelopment gap which is problematic real emerged as a result of declining real income and low savings throughout the past period, causing a lack of domestic investment and the reluctance of foreign investors from entering into the country as a result of the lack of security and safety is known Capital is characterized by cowardice and thus to the reluctance of international banks to lend addition, the magnitude of the debt of Foreign Affairs of Iraq and the subsequent debt service and compensation in addition to that most of Iraq's annual budget allocations go 60% operating expense compared